written by Cyrus G. Robati printable version send your friend

There is a saying of an old saying in capital Caracas, “A good friend will fit you like ring to finger.” Whether that has any true meaning for Barack Obama and Hugo Chávez it remains to be seen, though both are unexpectedly trying to rescue the relations from the deep freezer, starting with the last month’s Summit of the Americas that transpired in Trinidad and Tobago.  That summit, where the two high-profile leaders swapped barbed words with cordial ones, did spark off a spanking start that included a gift from Señor Chávez, a Spanish book titled “The Open Veins of Latin America” by Eduardo Galeano. Señor Chávez says he wants to re-set his relations with the “old oppressor”, Gringolandia (a term Venezuelans prefer to use for America). Now each side is weighing his own time to take the next step -- a step never tried since 2001, during the daunting days of the Bush administration. But there are pre-conditions Mr Obama wants in place too: he wants Señor Chávez to cooperate with him over anti-drug efforts, begin issuing visas for American envoys to enter Venezuela -- a country whose defence budget is probably 1/600th of America -- and stop buying Russia weapons. In turn, Señor Chávez wants continued respect from his counterpart and a muted response to his moves against his political opponents. Unless the cordial contacts reflect a real change in the countries’ attitudes, however, few analysts expect the warming to last perhaps for a long time, given American actions that Señor Chávez has deemed hostile and his history of using Americans as a political punching bag. Although, apparently Señor Chávez has always been to create conflict with an external power or entity -- be it America, Colombia or ExxonMobil -- he needs to create a smoke screen to distract the public away from the government’s own problems and mismanagement, no matter who sits in the White House. This is what some analysts believe in that part of the region that is beset with rare cash, rebel gangs, cocaine and carjacking. Yet, the history both states had before the Trinidad gathering is grim, punctuated by Señor Chávez’s accusation that the Americans were killing babies with bombing attacks in Afghanistan in 2001 and his charge that the Bush administration officials gave at least tacit support to a 2002 coup that toppled him for three days. The war of words started when Señor Chávez booted out the American ambassador last year in solidarity with Bolivia after his comrade and Presidente Evo Morales did so. The Americans then retaliated by kicking out ambassadors from both countries. So the first move towards building on the amiable conversations is for Caracas and Washington to make sure diplomats-kicking will never happen again. At home, Mr Obama has come under attack by conservatives though he believes it is unlikely that just “shaking hands” or having a polite conversation with Señor Chávez could endanger the strategic interests of his own country. Former vice president Dick Cheney too is unhappy with some of Mr Obama’s outside overtures, warning that warming up to an antagonist like Señor Chávez will make Mr Obama “look like a lame duck” abroad. Too often confessions, particularly from politicos, come by hard in the land of opportunities. That tradition was reversed by Mr Obama when he openly acknowledged, during the summit, that America has “at times sought to dictate its terms”. All of this, as well as the persistent pressure from presidents, including Brazil’s Lula da Silva and Argentina’s Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner for an end to the Cuba embargo, has widened the rift between Mr Obama and his advisers back home. Defending her boss, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton has been more outspoken than the former. On April 24, Ms Clinton confessed during a four-hour hearing on foreign policy in the House of Representatives, “The Chávez relationship ... is a result of eight years of isolating Chávez. And I don’t think we believe it’s worked very well ... Our belief is, if it hasn’t worked, why keep it going? Let’s see what else might be possible.” Nevertheless, the Latin hatred for American dominance is still deep that any attempt by Mr Obama to reassert authority would be a backlash, and Mr Obama is aware of that too. While Mr Obama openly outlined hemispheric issues on an equal footing with his Latin Americans at the summit, he has subtly signaled a fresh foreign policy that will be business as usual. And although the contest against communism is a thing of the past, the current crisis of world capitalism is again posing the question: is there another way to organise society? Even with Cuba’s colossal lack of resources and technology -- further fuelled by the America’s embargo -- the achievements made in healthcare, education, and other fields are enough to convince many in the region that there are aspects of the Cuban economy — most notably the concept of producing to meet the needs of all Cubans and not for private profit — worth repeating. Cubans feel affection for Señor Chávez, not only because he has been the Latino Leftist leader, but also because he has stood the test of time while wrangling with the White House. Most Latin analysts agree to disagree on Mr Obama’s “charm offensive”, seeing it as a charm in a devil’s disguise. The conclusion that many in the region have drawn — particularly Señor Chávez — is that the Americans are apparently cashing in on Colombians and Mexicans as a counterbalance to the loss of influence in the region. By building bulky armies in both countries, the potential to intervene in the affairs of others is enormously enhanced. What these Latino suspicions show is that Mr Obama is still toeing the old line of Americanism and imperialism in the region, though less directly than previous administrations. And while it is one thing to smile for the camera and shake the hands of Latino leaders at the summit, American corporations will demand that Mr Obama be pro-active in helping them reassert themselves in the region, requiring all the intrigue and maneuvering of the past. Latino Leftist leaders are willing to do as Mr Obama asks and put aside the grievances of the recent past, including Washington’s documented role in overthrowing Señor Chávez in 2002. But they can hardly ignore the present. As Mr Obama himself said at the summit, “The test for all of us is not simply words, but also deeds.”