The President of Turkmenistan Gurbanguli Berdimuhammedov has recently purged many high-level officials in the cabinet and bureaucracy. The apparent reason for that move was administrative weakness of some ministries and bureaucrats and “grave shortcomings in their works”. The main objective of staff shuffles in the government was announced as “strengthening national security and rebuilding the bureaucratic mechanism in key sectors”.

Compared to earlier decisions, though, this one has resulted in the most ground-sweeping elimination of critical state officials since Berdimuhammedov came to power. It has also meant wiping-out the remainders of Niyazov’s cadres in the cabinet and administrative bureaucracy.

To begin with the changes in the cabinet, only three ministers from the previous Niyazov era were able to retain their positions. Among those who were purged, Defense Minister Agageldi Mammetgeldiev emerged as the most noticeable figure. Although he was claimed to leave his post for health reasons, several observers agree that the decision was part of recent cleansing in the cabinet.

As for the bureaucracy, the recent move claimed the leading figures in the energy sector which has remained the lifeline of the state-run economy. Among them were the principal managers of the gas and oil industries, such as Gurbannur Annaveliev, Minister for Energy and Industry, Garyagdi Tashliev, chairman of state-run oil company Turkmenneft, and Sapargeldi Jumaev, head of the state exploration company Turkmengeology. Other critical and very influential bureaucratic positions shared the same fate, such as the chairman of Turkmenbashi commercial bank and the director of Turkmenpagta, a state-owned cotton company.

In retrospect, Berdimuhammedov’s election as president following the sudden death of Turkmenbashi came as a surprise to many observers since his name did not show up in the initial speculations with regard to the post-Niyazov era. His name only emerged when the main figures within Niyazov’s close circle decided to refrain from getting involved into a political struggle among them, which they considered as destructive to all parties, and then agreed on a relatively less-known candidate, the Minister of Health, Gurbanguli Berdimuhammedov. Berdimuhammedov’s rise to power, therefore, could be described as a compromise within the key political figures of the previous era, a result supported by such critical people as the recently eliminated Defense Minister Agageldi Mammetgeldiev.

Contrary to earlier predictions, however, Berdimuhammedov was not willing to be a figurehead under the control of the political elite who had brought him to power. He immediately set to prove himself as a “real president” in Central Asian style who would keep tight control of power in the political arena. In doing so, he gradually eliminated Niyazov’s legacy by purging previous cadres including key political figures who helped him to presidency. First to be removed was the head of the presidential guard Akmurad Recepov who was arrested and punished with imprisonment for 20 years. By October in the same year two more influential political figures, the Minister of Interior and the Minister of National Security, were subsequently discharged. By eliminating all power centers in the political landscape, Berdimuhammedov eventually succeeded in building for himself a secure political structure, void of a major threat to his authority.      

Even though Berdimuhammedov is currently not challenged by any serious political threat or figure, he still considers keeping potential competitors under control an important objective. In view of that, according to the sources that closely observe Turkmen politics, the next target would be the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Rashid Meredov, who has been able to protect himself from many shake-ups in the government since 2001. Meredov has in fact been within Berdymukhammedov’s inner circle for a long time and played a significant role as a power broker in bringing him to power. Despite that, many experts consider Meredov as a potential rival for Berdimuhammedov in Turkmen politics. Indeed, the elimination of Hoshgeldi Babaev, the most trusted associate of Meredov, due to claims of “mismanagement” shows that the time is also ticking for Meredov.

The sweeping change in the administrative staff proves that Berdimuhammedov is determined to replace Niyazov’s cadre by a new and energetic one which would be strictly loyal to him. The recent purge could also be interpreted as an attempt to transform the Turkmen regime from an eccentric totalitarianism to a modern autocracy. In that respect, the shake up in the government and bureaucracy could be viewed as a reflection of Berdimuhammedov’s desire to rebuild and modernize the bureaucratic mechanism.

Since Berdimuhammedov came to power, another primary issue on the agenda is to combat the corruption which was an endemic problem during the Niyazov era. The president is determined to root out corruption, and thus keeps anti-corruption policy high on his agenda. The corruption in bureaucracy was the primary driving force of all the previous purges implemented during Berdimuhammedov’s tenure. He has an ambitious intention to purge all corrupt elements from the public administration, and aims to create a new young generation of honest and competent staff. Berdimuhammedov is trying to implement a reformist policy that aims to save the system from nepotism and traditional patrimonial relations, and convert the state to a modern processing mechanism. The word “trying” is intentionally used because it is not an easy task however strong the ‘will’ is on the issue.

As a matter of fact, during the cabinet meeting of January 15^th he reportedly criticized ministers and bureaucrats alike for their lack of competency in making the state system and market economy work effectively. Accordingly, administrators are not competent enough to run modern industrial complexes, and they lack professional administrative understanding. State organizations and state-owned companies are run by unskilled bureaucrats who have no skills in strategic planning and whose positions have been obtained through bribery or a web of patrimonial relations. That in effect has resulted in low professional standards and unrealized goals. Hence, he has recently ordered all ministers and governors to attend the Public Service Academy, or otherwise lose their jobs.    

In view of the current bureaucratic staff and mentality in the education system, it would be naïve to expect a swift change in the short-term. Providing modern and professional education to state officials is of vital importance, a task which should be considered along with a radical policy in institutional rebuilding regarding bureaucratic mechanism. The subject of education also should not be restricted to the sphere of training public servants. It would require a holistic (top-down) approach the first step of which is to reconsider the education system as a whole.

E-mail: turgutdem@yahoo.co.uk

Assistant Prof. Dr. M. Turgut Demirtepe is an expert on Central Asia at the Ankara-based International Strategic Research Organization (ISRO)/(USAK) and lecturer at Aksaray University.