Monday, 12 October 2009
*** Interview with Turkish researcher Tanil Bora *** By Yonca Poyraz Dogan (TZ) ***
* Tanil Bora, a long-time researcher of nationalism in Turkey, has said nationalist tendencies are quite strong in soccer stadiums in Turkey -- and Bursa Atatürk Stadium is no exception.
* The stadium will play host to a World Cup qualifying match between Turkey and Armenia on Wednesday, as nationalists from both countries continue to voice opposition to the normalization of relations between their nations.
* “Nationalist mindsets, clichés and slogans are viewed as normal by most spectators and these are considered values above politics. And in many soccer stadiums neo-nationalist and radical nationalist core groups are very active,” Bora told.
* Bursaspor fans recently greeted Diyarbakýrspor -- a team they consider an extension of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) -- with huge Turkish flags and signs that read “We are Turks, we are all soldiers” and “How happy is he who calls himself a Turk.''
* The city will host the Turkey-Armenia game at a time when the two governments' efforts to normalize their relations are at their peak, as they signed on Saturday -- despite a last-minute delay due to concerns over the wording of the final statements the parties will make -- an accord to establish diplomatic ties, aiming to set aside a century of animosity between the neighboring countries. Some fear that ultranationalists may try to undermine these efforts by staging a protest during the game. The soccer diplomacy initiated by the president of Armenia in September of last year opened the door for the process of normalization of relations between Armenia and Turkey. It has drawn the attention of the international community. Answering our questions, Bora elaborated on this issue.
Q - What went through your mind when you heard that the Turkey-Armenia soccer game would take place in Bursa after Kayseri was initially considered for the match? Do you think the location was a good choice?
Tanil Bora (TN): "Nationalist tendencies are strong in soccer stands in Kayseri, perhaps even stronger than in Bursa. During the Kayserispor-Paris Saint-Germain game last year in September, fans held a banner that read “We are the children of the Ottoman, the world needs our noble blood” in French! In fact, almost every town and stand in Turkey is prone to nationalism. Nationalist mindsets, clichés and slogans are viewed as normal by most spectators, and these are considered values above politics. And in many soccer stadiums, neo-nationalist and radical nationalist core groups are very active. The game with Armenia is amply suitable for nationalist agitation. As you know, the word “Armenian” was used as an adjective curse word for decades. There are still people who use it in that sense. It is for this reason that racist slogans can easily “erupt” during a provocation or in a highly tense environment."
Q - What city would be an exception to this kind of atmosphere?
TB - "Diyarbakýr! It would have been a wonderful gesture to hold the game in Diyarbakýr. It would have been a gesture that softened the “match” between the identities of “Kurdish” and “Armenian,” which are demonized and vilified by the identities of Turkey and “Turk.”
Q - Would you say that Bursa fans in general have nationalist tendencies? Or are nationalistic behaviors peculiar to some groups, such as the fans called “Texas”?
TB - "The soccer fans in the stands in Bursa have strong nationalist tendencies. Additionally, radical nationalist groups have an effective weight. But this is not unique to Bursa. What is essentially important is the existence of a well-organized fan tradition in Bursa. They are a dynamic, fiery and loud choir, and if there is a desire to create a “performance,” this place in particular is very convenient. But we must bear in mind that the “leaders” that direct fans in stands and especially nationalist core groups in Turkey are usually under the tight supervision of security officials. Even during ordinary league games, fans are required to obtain permission for the banners they will display and slogans they will shout. When necessary, fans are warned or guided. I don't think the government will leave the spectators “unattended,” especially during a politically important event such as the game with Armenia. The stands will be guided according to the kind of atmosphere we want to create and the message we want to give to the local and international public. There might be slogans that deviate from the “official” line, but certainly it will be the official line that will dominate the atmosphere."
Q - There are rumors of potential provocations. Do you think these are likely?
TB - "This is a noteworthy point. Two days after the Diyarbakirspor game, Bursaspor Chairman Ibrahim Yazici said, “This time the events unraveled a bit differently; they were provoked.” I find this very important. It seems to me that he is signaling a provocation aside from the club administration's organization of its fans. We know that there is a strong wing in the political structure and within the state that opposes the Kurdish initiative and likewise the Armenian initiative and the democratic initiative. Perhaps these [groups] wanted to utilize the stands to have their voices effectively heard. Most likely there was a similar intervention in the Bursaspor-Diyarbakirspor game. But the Turkey-Armenia game will be set on too large of a stage and will be under too grand of a spotlight. It is possible to ask, “Was the demonstration in Bursa a rehearsal for the Turkey-Armenia game?” Maybe some people had that in mind. But even if that was the case, it backfired because the banners and the slogans shouted during the Diyarbakirspor game drew a strong reaction from the public."
*** Diyarbakýrspor between two ‘missions’
Q - Even though the Diyarbakýrspor-Bursaspor game was not a national game, signs that read “Happy is he who calls himself a Turk” were displayed. What is the meaning behind this?
TB - "Diyarbakirspor has been subject to this kind of treatment since the early 1990s, in other words ever since the clashes in Turkey's Southeast evolved into a war. In any stand where the Kurdish population is not the majority, Diyarbakirspor is identified with the PKK and subject to symbolic and physical assault. This is actually aggression toward Kurds. Shouting “PKK out” toward Diyarbakýrspor and its fans is no different from shouting “Kurds out.” Allow me to repeat a point I have written many times in the past: Diyarbakirspor has two faces."
Q - Yes.
TB - "On one hand, it is a popular people's team representing the Kurdish identity. On the other hand, it is a tool of the state in a tactic to make soccer a center of attention instead of “terror” and the “Kurdish problem” and to use it to “entertain” the Kurdish people. Diyarbakýrspor has been swinging back and forth between these two “missions” for 20 years. It is neither one nor the other. In line with this tactic, the state occasionally favors Diyarbakýrspor as well. The state favoring Diyarbakýrspor may sometimes also give the fans of other teams more reason for nationalistic reactions."
Q - Is the national anthem still recited at soccer games?
TB - "Of course it is recited. It is recited even at lower division games, where the number of spectators is in the triple digits. There is nothing natural about it, but it has become natural. Some people over the last two or three years have said, “For god's sake, let's end this.” In fact, some people who lack nothing in terms of being nationalist have expressed this opinion. Some people want to do that because they think that the national anthem becomes too routine when it is recited like this. Others believe it is an unnecessary agitation, and yet others believe that it is an absurd ceremony exaggerating formality. But these suggestions lead to reactions such as “Oh, are you against the national anthem?” or “Do you want to set back national sensitivities?” Therefore, those who suggest change cannot insist upon it. The national anthem ceremony before soccer games was started about 15 years ago. In early 2006, a former National Security Council [MGK] official had said that this practice was conceived of within the scope of “psychological operations used against separatism.” This was reported in the Zaman daily. Apparently, this is a never-ending psychological operation."
Q - ‘Europe, Europe hear our voice/This is the sound of the marching Turks’
Nationalism became a popular topic of discussion in Turkey in the 2000s. The murder of Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink in 2006 has been evaluated in relation to nationalist elements. Whether nationalism is on the rise is another question often asked. Are conditions in Turkey appropriate for the growth of nationalism? Is there a strong potential for nationalism in Turkey? And what kind of nationalism -- ethnic-racist nationalism or neo-nationalism?
TB - "Nationalism in Turkey has a foundation of strong building blocks. This stems from the national education curriculum, militarism and the dependence of the official ideology on concerns related to existence. Following the Sept. 12, 1980 coup d'état, being involved in politics was criminalized, all ideologies were demonized and there was an effort to create an obedient population. Institutionalizing nationalism as the sole and mandatory ideology complemented these changes. On top of everything, it was a type of nationalism that was considered “natural” and a reality above ideologies. These are structural factors. The Kurdish issue made these structural factors more radical and pushed them into a pro-fascist channel. There were circumstantial factors in addition to these structural factors in the early 2000s."
Q - Would you elaborate?
TB - "Some aspects of reforms that come up during Turkey's European Union integration process that have brought about a weakening in nationalist ideology incite nationalist reactions. It does this not only among political and bureaucratic elites but also in crowds that identify with this ideology. With the adoption of a discourse that suggests, “These are games of foreign powers,” this reaction becomes inflamed into a conspiracy mentality that is becoming increasingly paranoid and explains every incident as a foreign conspiracy. We must also take into consideration the effects of the current financial crisis as well as the one that took place in the early 2000s. The middle class, who were especially traumatized by the crisis, reflect the concerns they have about losing their economic status and prestige in society mainly by embracing this reactionary nationalism. They also react against the Muslim or conservative new elite."
Q - What would you say about neo-nationalism in Turkey?
TB - "The vein of nationalism known as neo-nationalism is swelling up in the way I just explained. Within the scope of its own traditional style, ultranationalist radical nationalism is also thriving on the same reaction vein; the increase in Nationalist Movement Party [MHP] votes in the Aegean and Mediterranean regions in the last general elections is noteworthy. These regions are regions where economic and social discontentment quickly translates into ethnic and nationalist reaction. Additionally, in these regions, the Kurdish public has been used as a scapegoat for the existence of these reactions, hence making the same regions suitable for provoking reactions. This is called ethnicizing social, economic and political issues. In addition to this, we can't say that nationalist-conservative mentality types have been completely removed from the liberal-conservative wing, which is seen as relatively “calm” and considers itself the “owner” of democratization reforms. In short, nationalist discourses are powerful and tend to incite each other."
Q - Do you think nationalism increases in Turkey as opposition to Turkey's membership increases in the EU?
TB - "All nationalist discourses in Turkey have strong autarkist tendencies. They view the “outside” as spooky, and xenophobia is fairly high. The EU is not perceived as a ground in which Turkey is included to build relations or pursue struggles nor is it perceived as a platform in which there are different stances toward Turkey. But rather it is seen as a monobloc “foreign power.” Therefore, any topic related to the EU is quickly ruled out as the “imposition of foreign power.” But as you know, there are mixed feeling about the West and Europe here, a “love-hate complex” that many authors focus on. If we go back to international soccer, there is a popular cheer that has been shouted in the stands for more than 10 years, “Europe, Europe, hear our voice/This is the sound of the marching Turks.” This is a wonderful example of the complex: challenging Europe and wanting to be recognized by Europe."
12 October 2009, Monday
