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Thursday, 9 February 2012
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Notes from the Afghan Elections
Mehmet Yegin
USAK Center for American Studies

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Saturday, 22 August 2009

The Afghanistan presidential and local elections were held on August 20. This is the first presidential election since the one held in 2004. This election is far behind the previous one in terms of public enthusiasm and participation. The international community, having 26 Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRT) in the country, was aware of the importance of the elections, as Afghanistan is again facing the risk of conflict and instability. Nevertheless, the only election observers were from Turkey, and there were no other international, NGO or local observers in Wardak, though it is a crucial area. The main concern was the security problems, not only for the observers, but also for election commission employees and voters.

The security problems prevented the opening of the polling centers.  A certain number of them remained closed on Election Day because of the Taliban threat. Some officials from public institutions rejected their buildings to be used as polling centers, as they did not want to be a target during and after elections.  Besides, there were problems with the distribution of election materials to the polling centers. The Taliban destroyed some bridges and attacked the vehicles carrying election materials. In addition, the election officials were inadequate both in number and in qualification to conduct elections. Most of them were intimidated and did not open the polling centers. This is the same for the voters as the officials expected before the elections. There are rumors about repeated voting and trading of voting cards. And indeed, it is quite feasible because there were not voting lists at the polling centers and anyone could vote at any polling station.

Security concerns is not the only problem hampering voting turnout. The people in Afghanistan are quite disappointed with their 2004 election experience and the Karzai government. The rampant corruption and exacerbated security circumstances shook the credibility of not only the government but also the state and democracy as a better regime for the country. There is a widespread pessimism in the society that there are certain doubts about Karzai’s reelection. There are fears about the continuing downwards slope that may ultimately lead to a major separation and confrontation. Thus, the worst case scenario is a looming civil war in the country.

The power politics is still the reality of the region, and regional actors, including the political ones, use force despite the democratic transition. The elections began with threats from the Taliban, who warned the local people to stay home during the elections by hanging notices on mosque walls. The people were urged not to use any vehicles, not to go to polls to avoid being the target of a Taliban attacks. The Taliban also announced punishments for anyone with the indelible ink, a sign of having voted, on their fingers. Yet, the Taliban is not the sole actor using certain threats; other actors are also using threats to suppress. For instance, one candidate used planes pulling campaign banners that were not pledged to the prosperity of the country but were intimidating the voters. Moreover, there is not a proportional use of force in combating terrorism. Thus, the huge mistake of suppressing the civilians in order to cut the support for terrorism is repeated in Afghanistan.

It seems that to a certain extent the Afghani people have lost their faith in the international community too. First of all, the Afghani people are questioning the international aid given to the country and the accountability of the officials. They criticize the international community for acquiescing instead of supervising the international aid given to Afghanistan. Second, the inefficient and trivial projects, which do not work at all or do not meet the vital needs of the society, are subject to criticism. Most of the projects are not designed to solve problems in long term; rather they provide temporary solutions. There are also problems with the personnel of the NGOs that work with astronomical wages, yet remain reluctant to do their jobs.

Of course there are exceptions, such as the Turkish Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT) in Wardak – the only civilian-led PRT in the country. The Turkish PRT in Wardak is led by a career diplomat and protected by civilian police forces outside the PRT campus. The civilian character of the Turkish PRT facilitates direct contact with the public and the sincere approach of the Turkish diplomats builds trust. For example, against usual practices, the civilian personnel do not leave the city in the evenings and do not wear Personal Protection Equipments (PPE), such as helmets and body armor, when they visit and contact with the local people.  This is quite important for the local people and increases their morale. The Turkish PRT is conducting health screenings and providing food and medical aid as short-term assistance. However, the main focus is to provide long-term solutions and to contribute to functioning structures that will run after the PRT leaves the country. The Turkish Police is training the Afghanistan Police Forces to leave quality security personnel behind. There are school projects for a better-educated generation. Indeed, the PRT campus itself is designed to be converted into a boarding school after the completion of the mission.


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Journal of Turkish Weekly (JTW)
USAK House,
Ayten Sok. No:21
Mebusevleri, Tandogan, Ankara, Turkey