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Putin: Russia's Choice |
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reviewed by Habibe Ozdal |
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Author: Richard Sakwa |
ISBN:
978-0-415-40765-6 |
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Publisher:
Routledge |
Page:
388 |
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Type:
Hardcover |
Price:
$ 44.95 |
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Review: |
As a re-emerging power, Russia is now being evaluated from different aspects. Since the radical change emerged under Putin's leadership, Putin's term of presidency needs special attention. There is no lack of publishing on Putin and Putin's Russia. In contrast, Putin and his policies are analysed extensively in literature. Richard Sakwa's book Putin: Russia's Choice is one of the leadings.
The book can be evaluated as a political biography of Putin, since his personal life and policies as a leader of Russia are being analysed by focusing on the choices and preferences of Putin. Moreover, it includes biographical information and a detailed discussion of changes the policy process of Putin. Sakwa not only broadly discusses recent developments in state-society relations under Putin, including the conflicts with oligarchs such as Khodorkovsky, but also evaluates the changes that affected the party system and electoral legislation, including the development of federalism in Russia. Economic performance is also analysed, including a discussion of the energy sector and pipeline politics. Russia's relationship with NATO and EU after the enlargement and Russia's relations with other post-Soviet states are deeply explicated in the book.
The book consists of eleven chapters. In chapter one, the author gives a detailed analysis of Putin's early years, until Putin's presidency. The writer also points out interesting anecdotes; according to Sakwa, Putin said, "I was a pure and utterly successful product of Soviet patriotic education." The chapter also provides detailed information on Putin's school life and later career in the KGB and St. Petersburg Council.
In chapter two Sakwa evaluates the ideas and choices of Putin by giving special attention to Putin's 'State of the Nation' speeches. The author also claims that Putin's choices led Russia to normalize in terms of system management and relations with the West. In other words Putin's policies can be said to have been the end of extraordinary policies. The writer also emphasizes that there is a contradiction between normality and normalization. Furthermore, for Russia according to writer, politics have now become 'normal.' Briefly, in chapter two, the author puts out problems that Putin's Russia faced and the choices of Putin as a response.
Moreover, in chapter three, Sakwa evaluates Putin more in depth by examining the opportunities and risks that he confronted as a politician. Putin was constrained by the political and social situation he inherited. However, he was able to reshape the agenda and change many, if not all, of the problematic issues in the political agenda. To do so, Putin built his own bloc. In chapter three the writer also evaluates Putin's leadership and his style. Moreover, he stresses that Putin's term showed the role of individual leadership can be very important. Since Putin sought to rule by consensus, his leadership was heavily shaped by his personal preferences and character.
In chapter four, 'parties, elections and succession' are discussed. Sakwa analyses and puts the parties in Russia's political life in different categories. Moreover, he gives detailed information about Presidential and State Duma elections. According to Sakwa, Putin's reforms transformed Russia's political space. During Putin's years the party system was restructured. However, as Sakwa suggests, as a new party system provides fewer but stronger parties, United Russia emerged as a dominant 'party of power.' This overshadows the legitimacy of the government.
Chapter five includes a study on regime, state, and society by evaluating the political system that took shape under Putin's leadership. According to the writer, the regime is located between the constitutionality of the state and the accountability of the citizens. And Putin's greatest achievement was to regularize the relationship between the regime and the state. However, there remains a gulf between the regime and the society. While it is possible to see traces of both liberal and authoritarian approaches in Putin's state building strategy, it is also important to bear in mind that civil society associations, trade unions, and the media are not integrated in the social order.
Chapter six analyses bureaucracy, incorporation, and opposition. According to the writer, democracy is about cultural attitudes to power and authority. And also it is about institutions in a broader sense. Sakwa claims that Russia obviously has the whole gamut of democratic forms. However, there is a lack of the spirit which is vital in operation. It should be mentioned here that, as is given in the name of the book, Putin is being supported by the Russians predominantly. However, his policies were not mainly inspired by democracy or human rights. The policies of Putin barely show an authoritarian meaning. So that, for Russia how reliable is it to say Russia obviously has the whole gamut of democratic forms? Are settled institutions enough to form democracy? On the other hand, the lack of spirit is apparently true. Since Russian people strongly support authoritarian Putin, the lack of spirit can be traced not only within Kremlin but also within the society.
In chapter seven, Putin's 'New Federalism' is examined. First of all, the strengthening of central authority was at the heart of Putin's reform of federal-regional relations. In the 1990s, the old hyper-centralised Soviet system paved the way to the fragmentation of political authority. Moreover, segmental incorporation under Yeltsin has paved the way to segmented regionalism. In some instances, segmentation drifted towards full-scale regional separatism. While Putin sought to avoid direct confrontation with regional powers, creation of a presidential federal administration shifted power away from regional elites. In this interesting study, Sakwa claims that Putin's 'new federalism' is rooted in the Jacobin republican state building tradition where citizenship is considered individual, universal, and homogenous. According to Sakwa, as in other spheres, Putin sought to establish the rules of the political game, and to let people be involved in it. However, the latest claim is very doubtful, since authoritarian rule strictly controls the actors; the players of the game are already known.
In chapter eight, titled 'Reforging the nation' analysis national images and state symbols. Also puts out that Putin's nation building focused on some basic elements, and one of them is patriotism. On the other hand, his ideology is liberal conservatism. The writer claims that Putin sought to restore faith in the symbolic level of governmental action, the belief that the government was acting in the national and popular interest, and that this new Russian state was a legitimate successor and thus was worthy of respect.
Chapter nine evaluates Russian capitalism. While it is very interesting to see those two words used together, Sakwa analysis the system of entering the market, models of capitalism, state, economy, and society. The writer claims that during Putin's leadership, a significant cultural shift was achieved in Russia. Putin incontestably enjoyed a benign economic environment with high prices for oil and gas. As for the economic system, Putin's model encouraged a controlled extension of market relations in energy and some other strategic spheres. However, the lack of success on tackling bureaucratisation and state intervention show that there has not been miracle in the economy. Moreover, under Putin, state intervention has been a part of the government, especially in the energy sector and some other strategic industries. The claim that under Putin's presidency a new model of capitalism emerged should be corrected, as it is a new type of economic relations, state-sponsored monopolies joined by bandit capitalism.
Chapter ten evaluates Putin's new realism in foreign policy. According to the author, Putin sought to craft a policy that asserted Russia's national interests while integrating into the world community. In this chapter, Sakwa gives a detailed evaluation of features of the new realism and also analyses relations with America, the EU, NATO, and post-Soviet Eurasia. According to the writer, policy under Putin entered a period of new realism in which Russia was viewed as an alternative pole to the West. Putin's aim was to transform Russia's potential into reality. And according to him, this could be done only in partnership with the West. Moreover in case of the choice of either moving closer to the West or restoring the country's status as a great power it is not clear which way Russia would go. Even though Sakwa says it is not clear which way would Russia go, considering political developments, it is possible to predict.
Richard Sakwa's discussion provides the biographical and political context to explain Putin's rise from KGB member to leader of one of the world's most important countries. The book broadly explains Putin's personal and intellectual development and his success to effect social and political change. By using both Russian and English-language sources, Sakwa provides comprehensive coverage of Putin's speeches, interviews, and policy documents. Considering those factors, Sakwa's study can be evaluated as a definitive study of the Russian leader.
In conclusion, it is a detailed study on Putin's early years, career in KGB, and St. Petersburg Council that paved the way for his presidency; his leadership, policies, and choices; and the transformation of the state, society, bureaucracy, economy, and also foreign policy Sakwa presents qualified work. Indeed this book might be useful for readers who are interested in Russia, and Putin as Russia's choice. The only point that is missed is a critique of Putin's policies. Even though the writer provides critiques from time to time in the book, the main attention is given to the success of Putin and his policies. Especially in chapters in which state, regime, and democracy are explored, critiques have been weak. In other words, Putin's policies and his success can be evaluated properly only by considering his weakest points at the same time.
The book is recommended to those interested in recent developments in the international arena; the claim of Russia's re-emergence in politics as a superpower; and also Putin's past and his policies. Moreover, Russia's choice is essential reading for all scholars and students of Russian politics.
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about book: |
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The new edition of this extremely well-received political biography of Vladimir Putin builds on the strengths of the first edition to provide the most detailed and nuanced account of the man, his politics and his profound influence on Russian politics, foreign policy and society.This new edition includes: analysis of Putin's second term as President; more biographical information in the light of recent research; detailed discussion of changes to the policy process and the elites around Putin; developments in state-society relations including the conflicts with oligarchs such as Khodorkovsky; review of changes affecting the party system and electoral legislation, including the development of federalism in Russia; details on economic performance under Putin, including more discussion of the energy sector and pipeline politics; and, Russia's relationship with Nato after the 'big bang' enlargement, EU-Russian relations after enlargement, and Russia's relations with other post-Soviet states. The conclusion brings us up to date with debates over the question of democracy in Russia today and the nature of Putin's leadership and his place in the world. "Putin: Russia's choice" is essential reading for all scholars and students of Russian politics. |
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