Abstract

After the break-up of the Yugoslav federation, the last republic to face civil conflict was Macedonia, which only experienced limited fighting and civil strife. In 2001, Macedonia’s fragile interethnic balance collapsed and fighting between the Macedonian armed forces and the Albanian National Liberation Army (NLA) erupted.  However, the International Community resolved the conflict before it spread widely and immediately after that launched activities to accelerate the joining of Macedonia to European Union (EU). This study examines international assistance for reconciliation within a peacebuilding context. Particularly, it focuses on the activities of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) as a peacebuilding actor. The OSCE has already been working to provide ethnic minorities’ equal representation within the Police and to implement police reforms in Macedonia. This paper also briefly discusses the incidents in recent years in Macedonia and the contributions and efforts of the International Police in this reform process.

Keywords: Police, Police Reforms, Police Training, Ethnic Conflict, Ethnic Minorities, OSCE 

Title: Introducing Multi-Ethnic Policing in Macedonia[1]: The Role of the OSCE

Author: Ali Dikici*

IntroductIon

In our globalized world ethnic contention is a primary source of conflict, instability and state failure.[2] The Balkan Peninsula constitutes one of the most complicated regions in the world from an ethnical, religious and linguistic point of view. In recent years this region has been on the agenda of the international community because of ethnic conflicts. These conflicts have not only been encountered as inter-state wars but also as ethnic and religious conflicts similar to a civil war.

Macedonia was a country which managed to avoid the bloody conflicts that followed the collapse of the Yugoslav Republic. However, early in 2001, the clashes between Albanian Militants and Macedonian security forces near the Kosovo Border started an ethnic conflict in Macedonia. The situation in Macedonia has provided examples of identity-based conflict that has resulted in human rights violations, a refugee crisis, death and the destruction of economic infrastructure in a small scale and this caused the undermining of the stability of the entire domestic political system.[3] However, international organizations did not allow the bloodshed of Bosnia and Kosovo to be repeated in Macedonia and stopped the conflict before it became widespread. 

Immediately after the international community resolved the conflict; a road map was created to re-establish the rule of law in the crisis regions and at the same time mandated constitutional, legal and administrative changes that would strengthen multi-ethnicity and democracy. The fundamental principle of all of these activities constitutes an increase in the representation of members of minority communities in Macedonia into public administration, the military and police organization. Immediate reforms in the police were agreed upon as a key confidence building measure.[4]

The parties to the Ohrid Framework Agreement, signed in 13 August 2001,[5] invited the international community to support and assist with the implementation of the commitments laid down in the Agreement, in particular the screening and selection of ethnic minority cadets for the police service and their subsequent training in police skills that would help them to integrate into the police structure of Macedonia.

Article 4 of the Ohrid Agreement and Annex C, in particular Article 5 Nondiscrimination and Equitable Representation, deal with this issue of representation. Article 5.2 states the goals as training of 1000 new police officers from non-majority communities by July 2003 and by 2004; the police service will generally reflect the composition and distribution of the population of the country. So, the host government formally requested that the Chairman in Office of OSCE increase the personnel of the Spillover Monitor Mission to Skopje to support the full and timely implementation of the above-mentioned provisions. As an initial step towards this end, it was the OSCE that undertook this commitment by launching its police development program with the aim to recruit and train police officers from minority communities and to deploy them to the areas where such communities live. The OSCE has provided significant assistance to the national police by training more than 1000 new recruits as specified in the Framework agreement and they have been subsequently integrated into the police services. The OSCE also had the support of the EU police mission “Proxima” inaugurated on 15 December 2003. EU police experts are supposed to monitor, mentor and advice the country's police thus helping to fight organized crime as well as promoting European policing standards.[6] Proxima’s mandate expired on 15 December 2005; it has been replaced by a smaller EU Police Advisory Team (EUPAT), with a mandate to June 2006.[7]

Before evaluating the progress made in police reform within Macedonia, it will be of value to review both the general outlook of Macedonia and the immediate events that triggered the crisis of 2001. An overview of the reform activities implemented by International Communities in police services of Macedonia, and the contributions and efforts made by the OSCE in this process will be provided.

The Sıtuatıon after the Dısıntegratıon of Yugoslavıa

Situated on an ancient trade route, Macedonia bears the mark of many cultures. Over the centuries, Macedonia was ruled by Persians, Greeks, Romans, Byzantines Bulgaria, Serbia and Ottomans. Conquered by the Ottoman Turkish army in the first half of the 15th century, Macedonia remained as part of the Ottoman Empire for nearly half a millennium. After the withdrawalew of the Ottoman Empire from the Balkan Peninsula, Macedonia has undergone various changes.[8] After the World War II, Macedonia became a republic of the Yugoslav Socialist Federation in 1946 with its capital at Skopje and in 1963; it was named as Socialist Republic of Macedonia and remained such until 1991.

On September 8, 1991, when the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was clear, the forming of an independent Republic of Macedonia was ratified by a nation-wide referendum. On November 17, 1991, the Parliament passed the Constitution of the Republic, defining Macedonia as a sovereign, independent, civil and democratic state. However, international recognition of the new country was delayed by Greece's objection to the use of what it considered a Hellenic name and symbols.

The initial separation was peaceful, although conflict in neighboring nations repeatedly threatened to spill over the borders.[9] During the Kosovo War of 1999, Macedonia managed to stay out of the conflict although thousands of Albanian refugees from Kosovo entered the country.

The ethnic and religious tensions focused on ethnic Albanians became a source of unrest that remained unresolved during the decade until 2001.[10] This seemed to be, as Jackson and Lyon stated,  a “quiet riot” concerning the social isolation of certain groups in society, developing pockets of poverty, high-crime areas, peaceful protesting of government reform, and economic flight.[11] The quotas and disproportional representation of minorities in the state administration in the ex-Yugoslavia had become more acute in the decade following the creation of an independent Macedonia.

In the spring of 2001, Albanian rebels calling themselves the National Liberation Army (NLA) took up arms in the west of Macedonia, demanding a re-write of the constitution to grant Albanians equal rights. On April 29, 2001 they killed several Macedonian soldiers and this was a turning point leading to severe crisis. The Macedonians were outraged and they started looting and burning the Muslim-owned shops, houses and mosques in Bitola which is the third biggest city in Macedonia. Macedonian Army Forces launched other military operations against Albanian dominated areas in the North and Western regions of the country. The conflict was concentrated in and around the towns of Tetovo, the second largest city in Macedonia to the west of Skopje, and Lipkovo to the north east of Skopje.  In June the Albanian militants captured Arachinovo town which is just ten km away from capital Skopje. Military operation by the Macedonian army caused material damage to many villages including Arachinovo. While the conflict was ongoing, thousands of people suffering from food shortages and insecurity went to Kosovo and Serbia-Montenegro.

However, International intervention under the leadership of the EU and NATO in Macedonia succeeded in containing the violent conflict that sprang up there. The government committed to give ethnic Albanians greater civil rights and the guerilla groups committed voluntarily to relinquish their weapons to NATO monitors.

The Ohrid Framework Agreement signed following a seven-month conflict, outlined steps to be taken to ensure the functioning of democratic structures, the advancement towards Euro-Atlantic institutions and the development of a civil society respecting ethnic identity. The implementation of this objective is largely clarified in the Agreement's three annexes focusing on constitutional, legislative and confidence building tasks.[12]

As a first step, US Department of Justice-ICITAP program trained 106 solely non-majority police cadets in 2001 and then OSCE took over the training. 

In the following section the activities of OSCE by reforming Macedonian Police, will be explained in detail.

OSCE Spıllover Mıssıon to Skopje

With 56 States from Europe, Central Asia and North America, the OSCE forms the largest regional security organization in the world.[13] The organization has 11 Partners for Cooperation from the Mediterranean and Asian regions. “The OSCE works for stability, prosperity and democracy in Participating States through political dialogue about shared values and through practical work that makes a lasting difference.”[14] The OSCE also deals with a wide range of security issues in all phases of the conflict cycle, from early warning and conflict prevention to conflict management and post-conflict rehabilitation.[15] So, the main characteristics of the OSCE are that all issues including human dimension and human rights, economics, scientific issues, political and security issues that are inter-related each other.[16]

Macedonia is a member of the OSCE since 1995 and the OSCE Spillover Mission to Skopje (MS) is the Organization's longest-serving field mission, having originally been established in September 1992 to help prevent the tension and conflicts - then spreading across the former Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia - from spilling south over the border. For almost a decade, the Mission operated under its original mandate[17] with the limited number of international staff.  However, in 2001, during conflict, the strength of the Mission grew steadily in response to its increased role. Following the internationally brokered Ohrid Framework Agreement, which sealed the end of the fighting by ensuring the rights of all in the country, the OSCE took on an enhanced mandate which eventually increased the size of the Mission. Its subsequent role has involved many additional staff in confidence-building, monitoring, police advising and the training of new cadets from non-majority sections of the population for a multi-ethnic police force of Macedonia.

            The MS has launched some activities to assist in a number of specific areas such as to provide assistance to local police in the development of professional police training programs; to provide technical assistance in overall police reform; and to assist the police in the design and implementation of community policing. The Ohrid Agreement obliged the government to establish, train and deploy a more diverse force and to involve municipalities in selecting their police chiefs.[18] Therefore, the MS has founded three main areas of activity: monitoring; police training and development; and other political activities related to the implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement.[19] In close co-operation with the national authorities, NATO, the EU, and other partner organizations, the Mission's Police Development Unit's current initiatives strive to increase citizens' trust in law enforcement, and to develop the institutional foundation upon which a community-based multi-ethnic police service can be built.[20]

Basıc Traınıng in Idrızovo Polıce Academy

Under the Framework Agreement, the OSCE was asked to monitor the recruitment and selection process of new police cadets. By working closely with the Ministry of Interior (MoI), the cadets were recruited with an effort to ensure that the police service properly reflects the composition and distribution of the Country’s population which is a requirement of the Framework Agreement. Since, in order for law enforcement organizations to maintain their level of legitimacy the organization must reflect the population to be policed.[21]

Candidates selected for the training program as new police cadets must have completed the 4^th degree of secondary school, be between the ages of 18 and 25 and be a citizen of the country. They must be mentally and physically fit, have strong moral character and demonstrate a commitment to protecting the human rights of all people. Furthermore, they must have regulated their military service and have no criminal record. “The OSCE was extremely forthright at all levels as regards both its expectations of and commitment to an impartial and transparent process that would instill greater public confidence and withstand the most intense scrutiny. OSCE and its international partners desired a process that would ultimately provide the country and the police service with officers who were of the highest moral character and dedicated to the service of all citizens. OSCE was clear in all communications with the Government that the key to success lay in their commitment to removing any and all political party involvement from the process.”[22]

After the selection of the suitable candidates, the police-training course was successfully launched on 1 January 2002 at the Center for Educating Personnel in the Field of Security in Idrizovo, located just outside of Skopje, hereafter referred to as the Police Academy. New cadets entering the Police Academy underwent 420 hours of intensive basic police education under the guidance of senior national police instructors and the OSCE international police instructors. Lessons were presented in Macedonian and/or English interpreted into Macedonian. In short order, the Police Development Unit (PDU) and Ministry of Interior (MOI) effectively integrated senior national instructors and OSCE international instructors into a professional and highly effective instructor cadre with an excellent cooperative spirit. The objective has been to train multi-ethnic police to serve in previous conflict areas throughout Macedonia in a manner consistent with the principles of democratic policing through an educational philosophy that is based on European policing and international human rights standards.

The Basic Course curriculum is framed within the philosophies and principles of democratic policing and human rights, and covers a wide variety of skills required for policing in a democratic society. The course includes 48 distinct academic lessons as well as firearms and defensive tactics instruction. The lessons of instruction include, but are not limited to the following: policing in a democracy, constitutional framework, human rights, use of force, police ethics and code of conduct, policing in a multi-ethic society, first aid, domestic violence awareness, gender issues, community policing, patrol procedures, arrest and detention, effective communication, traffic accident management, etc. International human rights standards are at the core of the instruction, both in the classroom and in practical exercises. The training courses generated by the Curriculum Development Unit were written in cooperation with the MOI and received its approval before implementation. Thus, the courses produced are of a high quality, applicable to local needs and sustainable for future generations.

Those who graduated from the Police Academy then completed a six-month highly-structured field training program that focuses on the practical application of the coursework, and seeks to further develop community policing skills. During this probationary period, newly graduated cadets were not allowed to carry weapons and they were paired one-to-one with a senior national Field Training Officer who functions as a mentor and is tasked with the continuing education and evaluation of the new cadet’s overall performance. Through the deployment of Field Training Coordinators, the PDU assists the MOI in monitoring the Field Training Program for all new cadets. The Field Training Coordinators evaluate the progress of all new cadets as well as the effectiveness of their Field Training Officers through a series of interviews and evaluations during the six-month probationary period.

Once cadets have completed the nine-month basic program they are eligible to petition to take the state examination, which if passed allows them to receive executive authority. The petition must also be supported by their station commander.

Before this exam the PDU, in coordination with the Police Academy, has developed and delivered a two-week In-service Training Program. This program has been designed to provide a forum for recently graduated probationary police cadets to review and re-establish their understanding of the correlation between critical elements of policing fundamentals and the legal framework for their practical application. Ultimately the course aimed to prepare these cadets to pass successfully the State Examination upon completion of the nine-month Basic Training Program, which qualifies them to receive executive authority. The goal is to provide probationary cadets, at the midpoint of their field training cycle, the opportunity to relate and compare their actual experiences with their theoretical training in order to achieve a more practical understanding of the effective application of their policing skills.[23]

In July 2003, the PDU has trained 1,156 new police cadets, out of which nearly 15 % are females.[24]

Albanian	Bosnian	Croat	Macedonian	Roma	Serb	Turkish	Others	Total
66.6%	1.9%	0.2%	17.4%	3.6%	2.3%	6.5%	3.6%	1,156

Table 1: Ethnic composition of trained cadets[25]

            Although the PDU successfully reached the benchmark set by the Framework Agreement, the police service does not yet reflect the composition and distribution of the country’s population by 2003. Thus, OSCE assisted Macedonian Police in training 325 more police candidates from different ethnicities in 2004. “When the Mission began its support to the Police Academy and the training of new recruits in 2001, the police service included only 3.8 per cent ethnic Albanians and a negligible amount of other minorities. In September 2005, figures stood at just over 15 per cent ethnic Albanians and nearly 4.5 per cent other minorities.”[26]

Internal and External Acceptance of Mınorıty Cadets ın the Macedonıan Polıce

The primary role of law enforcement is to protect the rights of all citizens, regardless of their racial, ethnic or religious origins or gender. Thus, developing a multi-ethnic police force is a major step towards rebuilding confidence in the country. If a police organization resembles the public (in terms of ethnicity, religion, language and regional affiliation) there will be better police relations between those who police and those who are policed.[27]

Therefore, the cadets will help keep the peace in communities that were devastated by intense fighting. However, the environments that police officers in war-torn countries work within are often hostile to policing efforts. The revolutionary climate, terrorism, a militarized public, dissidents protesting for equal rights, representation, economic equality, religious rights, organized crime, vigilantism and political pressure are all environmental obstacles to routine policing efforts.[28] In Western European countries it took time as for cadets from immigrant groups to be fully integrated in the police, and still there are complaints that these minority policemen are discriminated against’ by their colleagues.[29] Surprisingly, acceptance of the new police cadets in Macedonia constitutes a positive example of that phenomenon.

The civic association “Center for Open Communication” in a press conference announced the results of the poll regarding the citizens and the police after the conflict.[30] According to 46% of the Macedonian citizens from different ethnic structure believe that the multi-ethnic police raised the confidence in post conflict Macedonia, 35% have the opposite opinion and 17, 3% have no opinion.

The employment of ethnic Albanian cadets and the related introduction of multi-ethnic police patrols have undoubtedly been one of the contributing factors in facilitating the (re)-acceptance of the regular police in the former crisis areas.[31]

Both ethnic Albanian and Macedonian cadets have indicated that they feel accepted by all colleagues, regardless of their ethnicity. The interethnic cooperation is good and most cadets feel included by their colleagues. Most superiors are giving cadets enough responsibilities and opportunities, and are showing them appreciation.[32] The first explanation for the lack of resistance is that ethnic Macedonian police officers realize that the employment of cadets from minority groups is simply inevitable and secondly, certain ethnic Macedonian police officers actually support the measures proposed in the Ohrid Agreement.[33]

Acceptance of these new police officers in the community is of great importance since “if an officer perceives the community as threatening and as an enemy then the behavior exhibited by the officer will in turn be hostile, aggressive, and biased.[34] If an officer perceives the community as an ally, then the officer will be more cooperative with the citizens and develop plans and tactics that are conducive to building cooperative relationships within the community.[35]

The resources and attention devoted to the establishment of a professional, modern and multi-ethnic police service have yielded results, though Albanian leader Ali Ahmeti sums up the view of many from all sides: “There are some positive changes, but there’s work to be done”.[36] Likewise, “even if some changes have been put in place, such as in the electoral process, the legal framework of the judiciary and the police, or in parts of the business environment, there are key reforms which remain to be implemented. Progress is needed in the organisation and functioning of the police and the judiciary, in the strengthening of the administration, in the fight against corruption and organised crime.”[37]

Other Traınıngs

The training activities of OSCE are not only confined with basic police training. Additionally, professional training programs, requested and approved by the MoI, are an integral part of the PDU’s exit strategy:

• Instructor development training - a comprehensive training programme designed for national police instructors.
• Reform training - programmes for all existing uniformed officers to ensure that they receive training consistent with what was delivered to the newly-graduated police cadets. Police officers receive additional training in human rights, policing in a democracy, gender awareness, trafficking in human beings, domestic violence, officer safety and drug identification.
• Specialized training programmes - specialized and advanced training programmes for selected officers are provided in topic areas such as: trafficking in human beings, road safety, border, human rights and democratic policing and election security.
• In-service training programme - a forum seeking to prepare the recently graduated, probationary police to successfully pass the State Examination and receive executive authority. [38]

With the help of the OSCE, the interior ministry has assumed full responsibility for the border police and in 2005 the newly formed Border Police completed its transfer from the Ministry of Defense to the Ministry of Interior. This critical step means that the entire territory is under the administration of the police, as in other European countries. The military no longer has security obligations within the country. In 2006 the border police established regional training coordinators and the Mission began training internal trainers who will assume the task of further developing their colleagues’ policing skills.[39]

The Mission implemented two large-scale activities that brought police officers into classrooms to work with primary schoolchildren on public safety issues and understanding the role of the police. As with all of the Mission’s work with police, the emphasis was on building capacity within the police services to maintain the programmes or implement similar activities in the future. Capacity-building activities essential to the implementation of police reform also continued in other areas, such as management, decision-making, human rights and ethics. Much of the specialized training concentrated on skills related to combating organized crime. Courses covered topics such as surveillance techniques, witness protection and techniques to identify and prevent trafficking in human beings. Most of the training took place at the Police Academy, where local trainers assumed the lead on all basic training. The Mission continued to provide assistance with curriculum development and delivery of specialized and advanced training.[40]

To improve the country’s capacity to combat organized crime, the Mission provided training to police officers on money laundering, surveillance, narcotics recognition and other relevant topics in 2006. [41]

 Among the others, Community Policing, and Human Rights and Democratic Policing Projects are of special significance.

Human Rights and Democratic Policing Seminars

In a democratic country police officers must guarantee the rights of all people, maintain an environment where they are safe and secure and continuously provide quality services to the people they serve. “Policing is one of the means by which states meet or fail to meet their obligations under international law to ensure respect for and protection of the rights and freedoms of individuals within their jurisdiction.”[42] Hence, “the discussions about the responsive and accountable policing in upholding the rule of law and due process in Criminal Justice System (CJS) is a crucial stage the OSCE reached. The reason is clear: democratic policing and law enforcement, broadly speaking, the criminal justice system has a significant role in democratic countries. On the other hand, the fundamental rights including the right to life, the right to liberty and security, and the prohibition of torture are of paramount importance to all individuals, whether citizen or not, as well. So the effectiveness of everyday policing and law enforcement matters greatly to the strength of popular support for democratic institutions and the rule of law.”[43] In other words, “the democratic accountability of the police forces in the participating states is the key in keeping the stabilization and the security in the OSCE area.”[44]

In order to meet the needs expressed by the MoI in relation to human rights in policing training and to meet the recommendations made by the Committee on the Prevention of Torture, a series of training courses related to human rights and Democratic Policing have been developed. The training curriculum is based on European policing and international human rights standards, and covers a wide variety of skills required for policing in a democratic society.

The purpose of the three-day seminar is to provide guidance on practical human rights issues for all uniformed officers. The course was developed to be as practical as possible in order to encourage sensitization towards human rights standards in policing. Practical exercises and activities were designed in order for participants to identify when policing violations of human rights norms most frequently occur. These areas include: Use of Force, Arrest and Detention, Interview, Fair Trial and the Presumption of Innocence, Non-discrimination in Policing, Arbitrary Interference with Privacy. 

The course is implemented regionally by teams comprised of professional trainers from the PDU, MoI and the Helsinki Committee. By the end of 2004 the PDU and MoI have lectured to over 6000 uniformed officers.

When attempting to reform failed policing organizations law enforcement agencies are faced with several challenges, especially when their reforms coincide with efforts toward democratization. Policing in a democratic country is based on European human rights standards and policing procedures according to the constitution and laws of the country with the basic focus on the principles of democratic policing. Although there are several definitions for democracy in general, when it comes to democratic policing Jones et al. clearly identify a set of values that include participation, responsiveness, sharing of information, distribution of power, the notion of redress, effective delivery of services and equity.[45] Therefore, topics of courses include: diversity awareness, policing in a multi-ethnic society, hate crimes, police ethics and code of conduct and community policing.

Community Policing Programs

Community Policing is “policing that actively involves the community in order to reduce, prevent, and detect crime; it is a partnership between the police and the community to ensure that the police continually provide quality services to the public.”[46] “At the core of this new understanding is a deep appreciation of the importance of nonpolice resources in fighting the war on crime, and especially an appreciation of the role of the community as a partner of the police in fostering public safety.”[47] Community policing promises to mobilize numerous individuals and agencies in this effort. “As links between the police and the community are strengthened over time, the ensuing partnership will be better able to pinpoint and mitigate the underlying causes of crime.”[48]

Community involvement in policing has been a cornerstone of security and crime reduction in many countries and so, developing trust between members of the police services and the community is a key mechanism in defusing tension and increasing effectiveness of crime prevention in democratic societies. The PDU has been assisting the MoI with the implementation of community-based policing and with strengthening citizen confidence in police services throughout the country.

The long-term goal to improve security will be achieved not only through preventive policing, but also through a marked development of local partnerships between police, citizens and municipal structures. In this new approach, the objective is to break down the barriers between the police and communities, and to encourage co-operative relationships through Citizen Advisory Groups (CAGs), regular meetings between local representatives of an area or village and their local police. In these CAGs, matters of mutual interest and concern, such as traffic safety and enforcement, the dangers of celebratory shooting, local criminal groups, and surrendering illegal firearms, are discussed.[49]

Because of the dramatic increase in communication between those who previously treated each other with mistrust, and the development of a visible, accessible and active police force, these meetings are seen one of the most important achievements thus far.

            The OSCE deployed International Community Police Trainers (CPTs), in concert with OSCE confidence-building officers, to work with the local police, mayors and municipal leaders on the ground to facilitate the introduction of community policing principles and confidence-building measures that enhance the work of the MoI. The CPTs are actively involved in assisting in community policing trainings, seminars and workshops, developing the relationships between communities, municipal structures and local police - especially through CAGs - as well as identifying police stations needing renovation.

The PDU developed a Community Relations Coordinator Modular Training Course that has equipped 32 police officers with the required skills to establish and maintain fruitful co-operation with all entities that contribute to community work and finally, to transfer the responsibility of promoting and organizing CAGs to the MoI.

Outlaws as Law Enforcement Offıcers

The Lions are a special police unit that was formed by the Interior Ministry during the conflict and from the very beginning; the Lions were a favorite project of Interior Minister Ljube Boskovski.[50] The unit was designed to be used in situations where it was considered necessary to ‘step outside the boundaries of the law’ or ‘when the local police were not to be involved in paramilitary operations’. Deep ambiguities existed regarding the selection and training process of its candidates. Some persons with criminal records or accused of criminal acts were members of this unit.[51]

Legitimate special police functions carried out in accordance with democratic standards are of course normal and acceptable, but special police units like Lions should not be involved in community policing. Although the international community adamantly discourages the use of groups that work outside of state control, these vigilante groups, with the encouragement of policing agencies, are often responsible for the continuation of political violence.[52] Kowalewski argues that the use of vigilantes by those in power to control dissident groups often provokes intense responses from certain sectors within the population, hardens the opposition, and undermines the public’s confidence in the government’s ability to maintain law and order. [53]

This unit existed in a semi-legal manner for several months and on 2nd November 2001, it was publicly promoted. After the Ohrid Agreement was signed, the International Community demanded the unit to be disbanded and expressed their deep concern regarding the institutionalization of the Macedonian special police forces "the Lions" as a constituent part of MoI.[54] This new mono-ethnic police force  including a great number of former criminals, is stated in the reaction of the International Helsinki Federation for Human Rights and the manner how the legalization was done and the activities of these forces jeopardize the fragile peace process in Macedonia.

During a ceremony, on 9 January 2002, the leader of the Macedonian Orthodox Church, Archbishop Stefan, bestowed a blessing on the Lions, calling on them to protect the "holy country" of Macedonia; this outraged the Albanian community who responded to this ceremony by threatening a renewal of hostilities and condemned it as divisive. Following the parliamentary elections of 15 September 2002 the new government committed itself to streamlining the police and abolishing the “Lions.”

On 22 January 2003, several hundreds members of the “Lions”, blocked the road linking the capital with the Macedonia-Kosovo border, demanding the government to immediately pay their wages and guarantee their jobs in protest at what they said were plans to dissolve the unit. The Prime Minister of Macedonia announced there that the 1200-strong force would be disbanded under a deal that would deploy half of them to other police and military units; this would follow an investigation and possible criminal charges against some mutineers. Those former “Lions” wishing to be reemployed were required to apply for the new posts, and were only hired if they met certain criteria, the remainders were demobilized.

While there have been efforts to improve the public image and professionalism of this group, it still does not enjoy the trust and support of a significant percentage of the population and is generally seen as politically linked to the outgoing government.[55]

Conclusıon

A positive international engagement in Macedonia after the ethnic conflict in 2001, which has successfully prevented the crisis from spinning out of control, was followed by the deployment of a small peacekeeping mission. The Framework Agreement created a framework in which some of Macedonia's structural problems may be addressed and lead to long-term stability only if accompanied by programs directed at the underlying sources of insecurity.

The international community’s contribution has been critical in shepherding police reform in bringing the police up to European standards. In addition to bilateral support, the OSCE has provided basic and specialized training courses for thousands of cadets since 2001. The OSCE has had a positive impact on the process of meeting the objectives of the Framework Agreement in relationship to the redeployment of the police to the former conflict areas and proportional representation.

Improving the ethnic composition of the police force may go some way towards reducing the sense of discrimination felt by many Albanians towards government institutions. “Police presence has been restored all over the territory. Police reform and the development towards a multi-ethnic force, an initiative supported by both the OSCE and the EU, have seen considerable and rapid progress.”[56] The provision of an ethnically mixed police force based on proportional representation may assist reduce ethnic tensions and help in further stabilizing Macedonia. Exploring the issues involved in successful policing after ethnic strife is essential to promote conflict resolution and maintain a lasting peace.[57] In addition, understanding the complexities of reform activities in ethnically charged communities may prevent repeating the ethnic conflict in the future.[58]

In the long run, the objective of international community in Macedonia has a duty to guide and accelerate the integration with EU.[59] One of the strategic orientations of Macedonia is the integration into the family of European nations. In achieving this goal, some very essential steps should be taken; these include providing domestic security, respecting the fundamental rights of minorities, resolving ethnical problems, preventions of human rights violations and implementation of democratization. “These responsibilities were placed at the centre of the Ohrid Framework Agreement, which set particular conditions, not just for securing stability in the region, but also possible future accession to the Union.”[60] Therefore, introducing multi-ethnic policing is of great significance in this process.

In 2003, the Macedonia has made clear progress on the road to stabilization and closer association with the EU and under the Co-operation Agreement, Macedonia benefits from asymmetric trade preferences with the EU. Macedonia applied to become an official candidate on March 22, 2004. On November 9, 2005, The European Commission has recommended that Macedonia become a candidate country for EU membership. The EU avis will be structured around the so-called Copenhagen criteria, established in 1993 to assess the capacity of the former Communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe for EU membership.[61] Should Macedonia fulfill all Copenhagen political criteria regarding constitutional and code amendments, decentralization, equal representation of minorities in public services which are sine quo non in Ohrid Framework Agreement, will be able to join to EU in near future. Since

“The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia is well on its way to comply with the political criteria for EU membership. It is a functioning democracy, with stable institutions which generally guaranteeing the rule of law and the respect for fundamental rights. The implementation of the Ohrid Framework Agreement, signed in August 2001 to put an end to the very serious political and security crisis which was developing in the country, has been a major achievement. Solid commitment and very significant efforts have been demonstrated by all parties concerned. It has opened a process to build an integrated multi-ethnic society and guarantee the stability of the country, thus creating a positive environment for integration with the EU.”[62]

As time passes, the stakes rise, and EU membership is pushed further down the road. Therefore, all Balkan countries including Macedonia should prove that they are not only in Europe but also real Europeans.[63] However, this may take some time. The country needs to make additional efforts to implement reforms in the judiciary and the police, to strengthen the effectiveness of the fight against corruption, and to improve the electoral process.[64] According to research made by Transparency International, Macedonia was the 58th most corrupt country among 163 countries in the course of 2006.[65] Thus, the speed of movement ahead lies in the hands of the Macedonian people.

The OSCE has been performing a mission in guiding the Macedonia Police Service in policing reforms to meet European standards. However, these must be put into practice and implemented without delay. While the international community, particularly OSCE, can do much at the intersection of police, the government must assume responsibility for practical implementation.

This period urges the Interior Ministry to implement some reforms without delay. The lack of transparency in police personnel matters, including transfers, promotions and demotions, is pervasive and consistently cited as a long-term management challenge but one with some immediate implications.[66] The government frequently cites the important role of two units within the ministry play in rooting out police corruption and human rights abuses: the Organized Crime and Professional Standards Units. The latter, established in 2003, was the ministry’s first step toward instituting internal oversight. Its original mandate included only administrative and disciplinary matters, but with encouragement from international partners, this was expanded to include police corruption and human rights abuses. While cases involving such abuses tend to flounder or clear police of any wrongdoing, a 2004 corruption investigation led to dismissal of eight officers and two ministry officials, as well as the demotion of 70 traffic police.[67] Likewise, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Macedonia, implemented the Police Reform Strategies and sent police attaches in the neighboring countries to prevent and fight against organized crime.[68]

On the other hand, contrary to all those positive steps in different areas such as police recruitment from different minorities, will not resolve the challenges at once. Attempting to reform policing agencies in Macedonia will take time and immediate results will be limited. So, both political support and the appropriate amount of time must be allowed for the full implementation of new policing methods and cultures to become effective. Also, “short-term peacekeeping commitments and high-level diplomatic attention provide an essential framework of security and political dialogue but must be complemented by addressing the underlying social and economic tensions.”[69] The other areas also require long-term efforts on the part of the Macedonian government and also, it should be noted that the Framework Agreement considers not only the rights of the Albanians but also the rights of other ethnic minorities. The problems should not only be negotiated between Macedonians and Albanians by excluding the others i.e. Turks as the third and the biggest minority.[70]

Although the Macedonia Parliament approved a series of new constitutional amendments strengthening minority rights, and some incremental improvements in the situation have been recorded in recent years, the activities of the international community pushing the Macedonian Slavs to concede to Macedonian Albanian –and other minorities- demands, may backlash. Unless economic development and other spoils of peace reach also the areas where Macedonian Slavs constitute the majority; there is a risk of further polarization and potential renewed conflict. There are also worrying signs that the ethnic Macedonian population tends to see the Framework Agreement as a capitulation to Albanian interests, under heavy international pressure[71] and the agreement was seen as unjust. The Albanian goal to transform Macedonia into a binational Albanian-Macedonian state is perceived by many Macedonians as threatening Macedonia’s statehood.[72] “Noting the reservations towards the Ohrid Framework Agreement particularly among a large section of ethnic Macedonians and the support for the exit option among a minority of ethnic Albanians, it can nevertheless be concluded that an agreed political framework for reconciliation does exist in Macedonia, at least for the time being.”[73]

“Summing up, the forward-looking Framework Agreement pacified the country but did not dispel the underlying problems in the complex conflict structure of Macedonian society. Although educational policy was always a major problem between the two largest ethnic communities in Macedonia, it is nearly untouched in the Agreement. Today it is obvious that the implementation of the agreement increasingly divides the main ethnic groups. On the one hand, the Macedonian population is dissatisfied in spite of all the concessions. On the other hand, the Albanian community claims that the implementation is undermined by delays and lack of (political) will. In addition to this, their expectation that they would achieve an equal position in the state, in which they were considered to be a non-majority, has not been met.”[74] While there are some positive changes as in police organization, “these positive developments should not lead outside observers to underestimate the depth of division, conflict and distrust among ethnic Macedonians and Albanians.”[75] Similarly, “Macedonia has so far failed to operate a pluralist party system although its current legislatives have been designed so as to provide the politicians with the means to found and implement a real multi-cultural democracy in the country.”[76]

[48] Bureau of Justice Assistance, Understanding Community Policing: A Framework for Action, US Government Printing Office, Washington DC, (August 1994),

 http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles/commp.pdf, 12.03.2007 (accessed 11 March 2007). See also Trojanowicz, R., & Bucqueroux, B., op. cit., p. 5; Herman Goldstein, ‘Improving Policing: A Problem-oriented Approach’, Crime and Delinquency, Vol: 25, (April 1979), pp. 236-258.

First published in Review of International Law and Politics (RILP), Vol. 3, No. 10, 2007, pp. 129-146. To subscribe the journal call 0090 312 212 28 86, or fax: 0090 312 212 25 84.  All rights reserved. RILP is an USAK publication and indexed

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