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Integration of the Turkish Citizens to the Bulgarian Political Structure |
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As a country turning its face to the ‘West’ since its establishment, Turkey’s Mediterranean and Balkan identity is emphasized rather than the eastern one. About 5% of the Turkish territory is composed of Thrace region and this makes Turkey a Balkan country at least geographically. It is clear that the only tie with Turkey and Balkans is not geography, but also historical ties, population with Balkan origin living in Turkey, strategic reasons and the Muslim and Turkish minorities in Balkans[1].
Bulgaria has some special characteristics in the region. Turkish population had been existing in Bulgarian demographic structure since the region was Ottoman territory. The Turkish population in Bulgaria had not been welcomed for long years and systematic policies were conducted to deport Turkish citizens, the Big Excursion. The last step for anti-Turkish policies of Bulgarian governments was assimilation of the Turkish population, including prohibition of Turkish names.
After the collapse of communist regime in 1989, a new era started in Bulgaria. New government declared that, previous policies were dreary for the Turkish citizens and granted minority rights to Turks again. Being aware of the weight of Turkish population, Bulgaria has been sensitive in its relations with Turkey, despite some temporary crisis[2].
The most critical factor that loads Bulgaria much more significance is the recent EU membership of the country, with its huge Turkish population. Right now, Turkish citizens of the country became EU citizens although their home country still negotiates with the Union. In this study, the possible effects of the Turkish population in Bulgaria, since it has been EU member, on Turkish foreign policy formation towards Balkan region will be examined. Without any doubt, it can be assumed that, this Turkish diaspora can offer a considerable leverage for the Turkish foreign policy. For a better comprehension of the issue, it is appropriate to start from the pre-membership period of the Bulgaria and the fledgling politicization of Turkish citizens in Bulgaria.
Years of Assimilation & Pressure
The pressure against Turkish diaspora during the communist regime was deepened since 1984; Turkish names were forbidden, Turkish education was stopped, Turkish publications were collected and mosques were closed. Due to the assimilation and deportation of approximately 370.000 Turks worsened the mutual relations and damaged the international prestige of Bulgaria.[3] Tragedy of the Turkish minority was deteriorating through the assimilation policy, which was started with the ban on Turkish clothes and speaking Turkish in public areas and continued with the prohibition on Turkish names. Another aspect of the assimilation was the pressure on religious services of Turkish minority like closedown of mosques.[4] Prohibition of the Turkish music, changing Turkish names of places, praising Bulgarian culture, efforts to defeat migration hopes of Turks, consolidation of the Bulgarian ritual system, denigration of Turkey and Islam through press campaigns and claims about the Bulgarian origins of the Turkish citizens in Bulgaria are other means of the assimilation policy of the Bulgarian government.[5]
A new era started after the electoral triumph of United Democratic Forces in 1991 and this sustained the security environment between two states. In 1992, a military and technical agreement and a Treaty Friendship – Good Neighborhood was signed.[6] The golden year in relations between two countries was 1997, when United Democratic Forces won the 52,26 percent of votes and formed the government. The reformist characteristics of the president of the party, Ivan Kostov, also contributed to the improvement of good relations.[7]
Emerging Political Power of the Turkish Diaspora
The roots of the politicization of the Turks in Bulgarian political system lie in the post-communist regime, the collapse of the Jivkov government by a coup d’etat on 10 November 1989. The new leader Mladenov declared that the new government was tied to the principles of democracy within the borders of socialism and would respect to the rights of Muslim minorities.[8] The new government fulfilled its commitments and conducted moderate policies towards Turkish diaspora. On the 29 December 1989, new Bulgarian government officially ended its assimilation policy and this opened a new era in the relations of two countries.[9] This gradually appearing situation enabled Turkish citizens to implement a progressive politicization process as more enthusiastic persecutors of their rights, national identities and interests.
After 1989, approximately 160 political parties have been established in Bulgaria. Four of them are Turkish origined: Rights and Freedom Movement Party, Democratic Progression Party, Democratic Justice Party and Turkish Democratic Party.[10] The Movement for Rights and Freedoms Party (Hak ve Özgürlükler Hareketi Partisi- MRF) was established by Turks and played a considerable role in Bulgarian politics. MRF won 23 seats in the parliament in 1990 elections. Preserving the rights of the Turkish minority has been the official basis of the party politics.[11] When we deal with the 1997 elections, we see 30 seats of National Liberation Party including MRF as its election cooperation partner with 19 of the 30 seats.[12] Enthusiasm of the Bulgarian governments to become EU member, lead them to be cautious about the Turkish diaspora, such a group that is gradually attached to the political structure of their country.
In 2005 elections, the country faced with a colorful coalition. The result was seven parties and neither of them was able to form government alone due to lack of plurality of votes. MRF was the third party with 13% of the total votes. The first three parties formed a coalition government and RFM acquired four ministries in the cabinet: Vice President and Minister of Natural Disaster Emel Ethem, Minister of Environment Cevdet Çakırov, Minister of Agriculture Nihat Kabil and Minister of Labor and Social Security Dr. Hasan Ademov.[13]
Table 1: Turks in Bulgarian Politics since 1989
YEAR | PARTY | SEATS | 1990 | MRF (HOH) | 23of 400 | 1991 | MRF | 24 of 400 | 1994 | MRF + 2 Turkish Party | | 1997 | MRF | 52% of Turkish votes | 2001 | MRF | 21 (in coalition government) | 2005 | MRF | 34 seat (3 ministry) |
Another platform that Turkish diaspora made its political influence visual is the presidential elections in 30 October 2006. Representative of the MRF in Turkey, Enver Hatipoğlu declared that, solely 55.984 Bulgarian with Turkish origin living in Turkey voted for the elections and this was a record for participation to an election from abroad. He also added that, Turkish minority agreed to support Pirvanov against the nominee of the conservative nationalist ATAKA, Volen Siderov. Bulgaria was assumed to be in a turning point while waiting the new president. In case of the presidency of Siderov, it was obvious that there would occur a conjuncture in Turkish – Bulgarian relations. Fortunately, Turkish diaspora acted as an emergency valve in the elections. This is a clear case, which demonstrates the possible contributions of the Turkish diaspora to new dimensions in Turkish foreign policy, especially about a neighbour country critical for national security and stability in regional politics.
Existence of four ministers in cabinet enables Turkish diaspora to pursue the national interests of Turkey beyond their minority rights. In May 2006, the draft bill submitted by ATAKA- the racist and extreme nationalist party- for the approval of the parliament proposing the recognition of the so-called Armenian genocide was refused in the General Assembly of the Bulgarian Parliament. 170 deputies of the parliament with 240 seats, participated to the session for the draft and 81 of them voted for ‘no’ against 56 ‘yes’ and 33 remained abstainer.[14] The influence of Turkish parliamentarians merits attention and presents another good case for assistance of politicization of the diaspora to the Turkish foreign policy. Recognition of the draft would possibly be detrimental for Turkey- Bulgaria relations and complicate the just struggle of the Turkish thesis about so-called genocide. The stability in the regional relations was preserved thanks to the high political performance of the Turkish politicians in Bulgarian government.
Effect of the Turkish diaspora on Bulgarian politics has also an economic dimension. In 1980s, due to the deportation of Turks, production level reduced seriously, economic recession in Bulgaria deepened and worsened. The country required foreign capital flows, credits and increase in foreign trade rates. Thanks to its geographical proximity and economical liberalization program that had been conducted since 1980, Turkey emerged as an ideal trading partner for Bulgaria. Of course, Bulgarian treatment to the Turkish population was a critical factor in this process.[15] Bulgaria & Romania: The Last EU members
EU became a 27 member-union with the accession of Bulgaria and Romania on 1 January 2007. Various debates occupy the agenda about the fact that the actual reason behind their accession was political.[16] Two countries had achieved a degree of progression in several fields but they are supposed to be fewer than they had to do. Turkey felt seriously betrayed by EU, after the accession of these two new members although their progression level is under Turkey’s reform scores. So is it a disadvantage of Turkey? Actually, it has also some advantages on behalf of Bulgarian Turks and their human and minority rights. The EU membership of Bulgaria means granting comprehensive social, human and minority rights to nations other than Bulgarians living in the country. Thereby Turkish population in Bulgaria would benefit from the membership, and pursue their interests more efficiently. Pros and Cons of the EU membership for Turkish Population Sofia government eventually realized that they had to grant cultural minority rights to their citizens with different ethnic origins through international agreements to pave the way for integration with the western world. In this context, they approved the European Council’s Framework Agreement for Protection of National Minorities and became the most tolerant Balkan country towards the minorities.[17] In the European Commission report on 8 November 2000, the situation of the Turkish minority was considered, the anxiety about the inadequate representation of Turks in state offices and military was underscored; also, the number of teachers speaking Turkish, was emphasized. Moreover, the high percentage of unemployment and the lower degree of investment in Turkish regions were highlighted.[18] During this interregnum, Bulgaria depended on Turkey for two issues; assistance for NATO membership and improving the worsening relations with Muslim world due to the assimilation policy towards Muslim minority. Turkey’s security concerns are diminished because of the developing relations with its neighbor.[19]
In a research of International Centre for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations (IMIR), representatives of Turkish and Muslim minorities in Bulgaria stated “their minority rights are guaranteed by the Bulgarian legislation and are respected. They are convinced that there are supranational (European) power structures, which are not indifferent to the economic welfare of the minority regions and which could guarantee that their rights would be respected in the future as well.”[20] It is believed in Bulgaria that the European integration is the most important external anchor stimulating the democratic consolidation and transformation. A special attention was given to the education and training of people employed in the administration, as a consequence of the fact that the main reason for small number of projects funded from pre-accession programs was the lack of trained personnel. Furthermore, a visible effort had been made to increase the education level of administration employees belonging to the ethnic minorities. EU also plays its anchor role through precipitating the reforms increasing in education level and encouraging for better education of minority groups and creation of the well-educated minority business elite.[21] It is obvious that, Turkish population is on the top of the list of groups that would most benefit from the EU membership of the country. With the help of the increase in education level, respect for minority rights, and life standards would improve due to the obligation to the Acquis communitaire.
According to another perspective, it is clear that transition to democracy and granting generous rights to minorities has only increased the gap between ethnic communities in the country. Country still has a fertile ground for various forms of ethnic and religious intolerance. Populist movement of the ATAKA party increased the nationalist tendencies. Those who believe that the EU membership of the country would bridge the gaps between its ethnic groups based on new democratic values and beliefs in human rights are considered to be deluding themselves.[22]
Nevertheless, as a positive result of becoming an EU member, all ethnic groups have empowered their human rights. However, obtainment of the right to speak and study their own languages, to demonstrate their religious beliefs or political representation also increased the awareness of their differences. [23] Besides positive discrimination of minorities to eliminate their secondary condition in labor market, economy or politics; this rise in awareness of difference could cause some negative results in society. Turkish Weight in EP On 22 May 2007, another election was held to elect 18 parliamentarians that would represent Bulgaria in European Parliament. As an unforeseen result, Turkish MRF got the 20.26% of the votes and achieved to send 5 parliamentarians to the EP. Owing to these results, struggle of the Turkish minority- 9,4% of the total Bulgarian population- did not remain fruitless and acquired a substantial representation rate in comparison to Bulgarian representatives. The results made the apathy of Bulgarians to the elections and the success of Turkish political struggle was obvious.[24]
A harsh debate occupied the agenda, whether to allow nearly 100.000 votes that may come from Bulgarian Turks living in Turkey. Debate turned into a battle between the opposition and coalition parties, while the latter was concerned about the new law would bring more votes to governing parties in future polls.[25] The issue had a complex process that EU has no rules defining people’s voting rights for the EU parliament. Opposition parties like United Democratic Forces and ATAKA, advocated that, it was not a fair act to allow people living in Turkey to affect the decisions about their country. Nevertheless, Bulgarian Turks are adamant to see their right to vote as a basic right based on their Bulgarian citizenship.[26]
In a recent poll by Alpha Research, The Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) is the most popular political organization in the European country that 25,3 percent of respondents would support the BSP in the next legislative ballot. The Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (GERB) is second with 13.6 per cent, followed by the nationalist ATAKA with 7.8 per cent, and the Turkish MRF with 7.6 per cent.
Political Parties
| | Jan. 2007 | Aug. 2006 | Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) | | 25.3% | 23.3% | Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria (GERB) | | 13.6% | 14.2% | Ataka (Attack) | | 7.8% | 4.6% | Turkish Movement for Rights and Freedoms (DPS) | | 7.6% | 6.4% | National Movement Simeon II (NDSV) | | 3.8% | 5.1% | United Democratic Forces (ODS) | | 3.5% | 4.5% | Democrats for Strong Bulgaria (DSB) | | 1.1% | 2.3% | Bulgarian National Alliance (BNS) | | 0.6% | 0.9% |
Source: Alpha Research - Angus Reid Global Monitor
According to this recent public opinion poll, without any doubt, MRF is still one of the key political actors in Bulgarian parliament. This mobilized and politicized Turkish population, despite still having lacks, seems to be a leverage for the regional foreign policy of Turkey as in aforementioned cases.
To sum up, during days of assimilation and discrimination, it was difficult to predict the current position of Turkish citizens in Bulgaria both in coalition government and EP. They acquired equal democratic rights in early 1990s, after the collapse of communist Jivkov regime. MRF played a significant role in the interregnum and accomplished the recognition of Turkish entity in Bulgarian politics. Today MRF has seats in coalition government and European parliament. It proved that they are a part of Bulgaria by giving ranks not only ethnic Turks but also to the Bulgarians. After a painful period of assimilation and discrimination, Turkish citizens of Bulgaria voluntarily integrate to the political, economic and social structures of the country they live today; but not break off the ties with their homeland and assist to pursue its national interests.
Footnotes:
[1] İlhan Uzgel, “Balkanlarla İlişkiler”, Türk Dış Politikası: Kurtuluş Savaşından Bugüne Olgular Belgeler Yorumlar Cilt II: 1980-2001 Ed. Baskın Oran, İletişim Yayınları, İstanbul, 2001, ss.167-171
[2] “Tarihte Türk – Bulgar İlişkileri”, Genelkurmay Askeri Tarih ve Stratejik Etüt Başkanlığı, Ankara Genelkurmay Basımevi, 2004, ss.2
[3] Birgül Demirtaş Çoşkun, “Soğuk Savaş Sonrası Dönemde Bulgaristan Dış Politikası 1989-2000”, Balkan Diplomasisi, Der. Ömer E. Lütem- Birgül Demirtaş Çoşkun, ASAM, Ankara, 2001, ss.229
[4] Birgül Demirtaş Çoşkun, “Bulgaristan’la Yeni Dönem Soğuk Savaş Sonrası Ankara Sofya İlişkileri”, ASAM Yayınları, Ankara, 2001, ss.26-28
[5] Ömer E. Lütem, “Türk-Bulgar İlişkileri 1983-1989”, Cilt 1, ASAM, Ankara, 2000, ss.439- 58
[6] “Tarihte Türk-Bulgar İlişkileri”, Ankara Genelkurmay Basımevi, 2004, ss.122
[8] Birgül Demirtaş Çoşkun, “Bulgaristan’la yeni Dönem Soğuk Savaş Sonrası Ankara Sofya İlişkileri”, ASAM Yayınları, Ankara, 2001, ss.40
[10] Can Karpat, “Bulgaristan Türkleri: Asimilasyondan İktidara”, AIA Türkiye Masası, < http://www.axisglobe.com/print_article.asp?article=500>
[11] Nazif Mandacı, Birsen Erdoğan, “Balkanlarda Azınlık Sorunu: Yunanistan, Arnavutluk, Makedonya ve Bulgaristan’daki Azınlıklara Bir Bakış”, SAEMK Araştırma Projeleri Dizisi 5/2001, Ankara, ss.111
[15] Birgül Demirtaş Coşkun, “Soğuk Savaş Sonrası Dönemde Bulgaristan Dış Politikası 1989-2000”, Balkan Diplomasisi, Der. Ömer E. Lütem- Birgül Demirtaş Çoşkun, ASAM, Ankara, 2001, ss.236
[17] Birgül Demirtaş – Çoşkun, “Bulgaristan’la Yeni Dönem Soğuk Savaş Sonrası Ankara-Sofya İlişkileri”, ASAM, Ankara, 2001, ss.80
[20] Galina Lozanova, Marko Hajdinjak, “Policy Paper on Muslim Minorities (Turks and Muslim Bulgarians) in the South Central Region of Bulgaria”, International Centre For Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations (IMIR), December 2006, ss.7
[22] Albena Shkodrava, “Ethnic Groups in Bulgaria Are More Apart Than Many Believe”, Balkan Investigative Reporting Network, <http://www.birn.eu.com/en/45/130/3632/?tpid=84>
[26] ibid. Sercan SALĞIN 16 Ağustos 2007 |
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